Reincarnated: Vive La France
Chapter 222: "He is more of a nationalist with anti fascist sentiment."

Chapter 222: "He is more of a nationalist with anti fascist sentiment."

From the first rumblings of troop movements in Lyon to the quiet takeover of Paris, the world was prepared.

The coup led by Moreau wasn’t sudden it was anticipated.

Foreign capitals had stockpiled briefing papers, debated possibilities, and awaited proof before making policy moves.

Now, with the new provisional government in place, they were ready to act each on their own terms.

At Whitehall, Prime Minister Baldwin war cabinet convened behind closed doors.

"We’ve known it was coming," said Foreign Secretary Caldwell. "The military buildup around Versailles, the silent mobilisation in Saint-Denis it wasn’t hidden."

Baldwin nodded.

"Gentlemen, we have two facts one, Moreau has taken over France. Two, he’s reappointed Albert Lebrun as ceremonial President. This is not a fascist coup. It’s... more nuanced

Chamberlain exhaled. "So we wait? Recognize them officially?"

The Admiral spoke first. "Our trade is at stake. Ports are functioning. French Navy is back under Admiral Muselier but quiet. They’re honoring existing treaties."

Caldwell tapped a memo.

The Americans were close behind, preparing their own outreach.

The message that would be sent later that evening would read.

"His Majesty’s Government notes with interest the establishment of the provisional government under Étienne Moreau. We invite discussions regarding continued Anglo-French cooperation in defence, trade, and diplomatic neutrality."

Caldwell spoke.

"Given how Moreau has been from 1935 to his article published in newspaper last year which humiliated not only Germany but us to his strong words in League of Nation where he asked the German and Japanese to leave. All these show to us while he hold the country with military he is more of a nationalist with anti fascism sentiment."

Baldwin replied.

"So for now we can trust him.

Faraway At the White House, President Roosevelt and his cabinet studied intelligence cables.

The newspapers were full of commentary about Moreau, but their tone was measured.

Roosevelt broke the silence. "So that speech... What was it about?"

His Secretary of State, Linton Strack, replied, "Moreau spoke of justice. Process. No executions without trial. He’s repositioned the army and navy, but sworn to restore civilian rule. They retained Lebrun. Washington concluded long ago they’re not a fascist dictatorship."

Roosevelt leaned forward. "I want us to be first quietly. Reach out through Ambassador Snow. Invite Moreau to meet in Washington, under the guise of economic consultation."

Strack hesitated. "...Under the guise?"

Roosevelt met him steadily. "Let’s not scare them off. Make it sound business-like."

Treasury Secretary Morley added quietly, "Economists are optimistic. Markets have rebounded a bit. Bonds are stable. They’re not printing money. They called in Reynaud.".

Roosevelt smiled. "Then send the note tonight. I want a private conversation in April."

In Berlin, Hitler’s inner circle had held back.

Ribbentrop met with military intelligence. "They didn’t purge too many officers. They didn’t march under new banners. They restored Lebrun with ceremonies. This is not ideological aggression."

Hitler spoke: "Let them realign themselves quietly. Our priority is to make ourselves stronger. France in disarray is a zone of weakness, not power. If Moreau keeps exports open we stay quiet."

Berlin would not formally protest.

Better to wait, analyze their alignment in Versailles and Marseille, and position accordingly.

In Rome, Mussolini’s diplomats assessed that a strong France could be a thorn but also a partner.

Italy’s stance would be minimal but constructive.

"Let’s not oppose him," the Ambassador reported. "Let him stand. Then engage."

A formal statement would be issued.

"We acknowledge the formation of a new government under Étienne Moreau. We will evaluate relations on shared interests."

In Moscow, Stalin was skeptical.

The Red Army’s intelligence pods had trailed rumors for weeks.

They now watched for subtle ideological cues.

Molotov said to Stalin.

"They’ve kept Lebrun. They’ve kept the Republic’s flag. They speak of justice. But let’s not forget they’ve taken control by force."

Stalin frowned. "In their own words, they weaponize law. This is wrapped in military cloth. We must strengthen our spies in Paris. And soon."

Belgium, the Netherlands, and Switzerland followed Britain’s lead.

They’d tracked the coup through limited signals intercepts and looked on with temperate approval in neutral chambers.

A Swiss diplomat said, "They reinstalled a semblance of Republican structure. They’ve offered to uphold League of Nations obligations."

So their foreign ministries folded quickly, dispatching official notes marked "welcome developments."

In Paris.

Moreau woke up to a long queue of envoys in the palace courtyard.

He’d dressed in civilian suit and tie and had let them pass past the honor guard into the entrance hall.

First to arrive was the British Ambassador, Lord Carnegie.

He met Moreau halfway across the marble floor.

"Sir" he said respectfully. "His Majesty’s Government congratulates you on assuming leadership of France. We have every reason to believe the Franco-British relationship will continue to be the cornerstone of peace in Europe."

Moreau inclined his head. "I appreciate London’s willingness to engage. France is strong again but we must be allowed to rebuild."

Ambassador Carnegie pressed a folder into his hand.

Inside was a polite note of recognition, an invitation to London in two weeks, a guarantee of naval escort if necessary.

Next came the American envoy, William Snow. "Mr. President Roosevelt sends his regards and invites you to Washington for discussions on mutual trade and defense."

By the time the German envoy arrived wary, cold.

Moreau was calm.

"The French people have changed their government," Moreau said. "That has consequences. But the national interests of Germany and France remain the same. Open borders, trade. I will maintain both."

The German envoy made no promise only that his government would "watch closely."

That afternoon, the newly concentred cabinet reconvened.

Lebrun began, "Gentlemen, the British note is solid. The Americans sent polite telegrams. Belgium and others count themselves in. This is our signal. We are acknowledged in principle."

Reynaud continued, "With American interest, we can stabilize the franc further. I’m drafting a joint economic forum May, Washington."

Mendès France added, "Ports must be open. Sugar, wheat exports. But we also must expand customs offices in Calais and Dunkirk."

Zay said, "Cultural diplomacy French language classes at London embassies, exhibitions in Washington. We offer images of recovery, not conquest."

Mandel shifted focus. "The police must prepare for international visitor flows. Vet flags, negotiate traffic. We’re about to host people from around the globe."

Auriol said quietly, "Tribunals will start next week. They must be open. Journalists from London, Paris, Rome should be invited. Let there be transparency."

Moreau listened, then said, "All that stands before recognition is a simple tally treaties kept, legal process in view, economic stability. And we will deliver it."

Late that night, after the ministers had left, Moreau returned to the empty hall.

Beside him stood Beauchamp and Delon no longer in military uniform, but in plain coats.

Beauchamp said quietly, "They’re lining up. London, Washington. Everyone else waiting."

"Even the Soviets?" Delon asked.

Beauchamp shrugged. "Stalin says they’ll see where this goes first. He’s avoiding a gamble."

Moreau looked at the empty chairs. "If we succeed, France becomes a pillar, not a player. A model, not a military power."

"Or a target," Delon said.

"No," Moreau replied. "A refuge for reason."

Beauchamp nodded. "Is that what we teach them? Refuge... Not shrugged shoulders?"

Moreau paused, thinking.

Then he said, "We could be allies with many. But we will champion one principle, democracy based on justice, not power."

The same night international press started printing paper that would reflect the stance each country.

From London.

"Anglo-French Ties Firm Amid Military-Led Transition"

From Washington.

"Roosevelt Seeks Early Meeting with France"

From Berlin.

"Das französische Regime.

Quiet Stability, Or Sleeping Giant?"

From Moscow.

"France Promises Order, But At What Cost?"

At dawn, the first embassies raised the French tricolor over wooden doors, Britain’s high commission leading the way.

Official recognition had been granted.

Travel visas would be reinstated.

Communications resumed.

Goods would flow.