A New India -
Chapter 195 - 195: Chain of Reaction
Washington, D.C. – The White House
In the Oval Office, President Dwight D. Eisenhower was handed a briefing on the unfolding crisis in Egypt.
His Chief of Staff, Sherman Adams, was already at his side, flipping through a similar report with a furrowed brow.
Nasser's nationalization of the Suez Canal posed a direct threat to Western interests, especially those of Britain and France, and Eisenhower knew this was more than a regional issue; it was a global flashpoint.
"Nationalized the Suez Canal…," Eisenhower muttered, barely containing his irritation.
Adams nodded, his voice tense. "It's a bold move, sir. He's clearly challenging the West. British and French interests will be furious. Nearly two-thirds of Europe's oil supply flows through that canal."
Eisenhower took a deep breath. "We can't ignore it, but a military response? After Korea, the American people won't stomach another conflict far from home."
Adams interjected, "Sir, London and Paris are likely to demand action. They see the canal as their lifeline to the Middle East."
Eisenhower thought carefully, drumming his fingers on his desk. "We need to proceed cautiously. Let the British and French know we'll support diplomatic measures, but as of now, we're not committing to a military option. We'll keep a close watch on how the situation develops. If the canal closes, it'll hurt us all, but we can't just jump into another conflict."
London – 10 Downing Street
In Britain, Prime Minister Anthony Eden was beside himself with fury.
The canal had long been a symbol of British influence and control in the Middle East.
For Egypt to nationalize it felt, to Eden, like a direct slap in the face to British power.
Eden slammed a fist on his desk as his Foreign Secretary, Selwyn Lloyd, stood across from him.
"This is nothing short of an insult! Nasser is taunting us!" Eden barked, his face flushed. "This man thinks he can just seize our canal?"
Lloyd attempted to calm him. "Prime Minister, we anticipated he might pull something like this. The Americans are hesitant to intervene militarily. Eisenhower is leaning towards diplomacy."
"Diplomacy won't get us the canal back, Selwyn!" Eden shot back, his voice sharp. "The Americans can stay out if they want, but we can't let this go unanswered. Nasser is a dictator, and dictators don't stop unless they're stopped."
"Perhaps… if we worked with the French?" Lloyd suggested cautiously.
Eden's expression softened slightly. "Yes. Paris has as much to lose as we do. If we can coordinate with them, we might force Nasser's hand. Send word to our ambassador in France. I want to discuss joint action diplomatic, if possible, but we'll need to prepare for military options too."
As Lloyd left to relay Eden's orders, the Prime Minister sat back, the anger in his eyes slowly replaced by cold determination.
"This upstart will learn that the Empire is not dead yet," he muttered to himself.
Paris – Élysée Palace
In France, the reaction was just as strong. The Suez Canal had been constructed by the French and was, in many ways, a symbol of their engineering prowess and influence in North Africa.
Now, it was in the hands of a nationalist leader who had no loyalty to the West.
President René Coty sat in a meeting with his Foreign Minister, Christian Pineau, who was visibly agitated.
"This is a disaster, Monsieur le Président," Pineau began. "Nasser controls the flow of oil to Europe. Without access to the canal, our economy and that of Britain will suffer immensely. This isn't just about pride; it's about survival."
Coty nodded gravely. "What are our options?"
"The British are looking at military action," Pineau replied. "Prime Minister Eden is livid, and rightly so. If we don't act decisively, this could encourage other nationalists in Africa to take similar steps."
"Military action…" Coty repeated, deep in thought. "Do we have American support?"
Pineau shook his head. "The Americans are leaning towards diplomacy, but they may come around if they see no other option. The Soviets, however, are likely to side with Nasser."
Coty frowned. "That complicates things. The last thing we need is another crisis, but we cannot simply let this pass."
"Then we work with the British, sir," Pineau said firmly. "Together, we might be able to pressure the Americans into supporting us, or at the very least, staying neutral."
Coty nodded, the decision clear. "Let's move forward with that plan. Arrange a meeting with Eden. If Nasser wants a fight, we'll show him that France and Britain stand together."
Moscow – The Kremlin
Across the Iron Curtain, Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev viewed Nasser's move as an opportunity.
The Suez Canal was a valuable asset, but more importantly, Nasser's defiance of the West aligned with Soviet interests in expanding their influence in the Middle East.
Sitting with his advisors, Khrushchev reviewed the report from Cairo, a slight smirk on his face.
"This Nasser… he's a brave one, isn't he?" Khrushchev mused, his tone almost amused. "The West won't be happy about this."
Defense Minister Georgy Zhukov, seated across from him, nodded. "The British and French are already up in arms. They're likely to retaliate."
"Let them try," Khrushchev replied. "If they move against Egypt, we'll make it clear that the Soviet Union stands with Nasser. The West has interfered in our sphere for years; now we'll remind them that we have allies too."
"But do we directly intervene?" Zhukov asked, cautious of the escalating Cold War tensions.
Khrushchev shook his head. "Not unless absolutely necessary. We'll support Nasser with weapons and diplomatic backing, but we're not risking a global conflict over this. For now, our message will be clear: any attack on Egypt is an attack on a friend of the Soviet Union."
The room fell silent, each man aware of the delicate balance they were trying to maintain.
Khrushchev broke the silence with a nod of approval. "Let's send a message to Nasser. Assure him of our support. The more chaos we can sow among the Western powers, the better."
Tel Aviv – Office of the Israeli Prime Minister
In Israel, Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion was deeply concerned.
Since Israel's establishment, access to the Red Sea and the Suez Canal had been contentious.
Egypt had frequently blocked Israeli ships, and now, with Nasser's aggressive move, Ben-Gurion feared further escalation.
Moshe Dayan, Israel's Chief of Staff, was briefing him on the strategic implications.
"Nasser's control of the canal will hurt us, David," Dayan stated bluntly. "He'll likely use this as leverage to tighten his blockade on Israeli shipping."
Ben-Gurion looked tense. "We can't allow Egypt to strangle us economically. If the French and British are planning something, we should consider aligning ourselves with them."
Dayan nodded. "I agree. A coordinated strike could force Nasser to back down. But it'll be risky. If we go to war, we'll need assurances from our allies."
Ben-Gurion took a deep breath. "Reach out to the French. See if they're open to including us in their plans. This might be our chance to weaken Nasser and secure our borders."
Meanwhile, back in Egypt, Nasser was in high spirits.
His nationalization of the canal had sparked anger in the West, but the reaction in Egypt was overwhelmingly positive.
For many Egyptians, the canal represented foreign control and exploitation.
By taking it back, Nasser had become a hero.
Surrounded by his closest advisors, Nasser reveled in the support of his people.
"This is a new chapter for Egypt," he declared confidently. "The Suez Canal is ours, as it should have been from the beginning."
One of his ministers, Ali Sabri, voiced a note of caution. "The West won't take this lying down, Gamal. They'll push back, maybe even with military force."
Nasser's smile didn't waver. "Let them try. The Soviets have assured us of their support. And the world will see this for what it is a fight against imperialism. The days of the British and French dictating our future are over."
Sabri nodded, though the tension in his shoulders remained. "We'll need to prepare our defenses."
Nasser leaned back, exuding confidence. "Let them bring their armies, their threats, their condemnations. This canal is ours now. And it will remain ours."
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